Showing posts with label UPA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UPA. Show all posts

Saturday, May 25, 2013

Passing the baton

Jaipur marks a watershed in Congress’ chequered history by ushering in Rahul Gandhi as a new year gift. Pramod Kumar reports from the Chintin Shivir

The glorious history of Rajasthan, given its geographical location, is replete with instances of valour and comebacks, of success stories pulled out of thin air and against all odds.

 Rahul Gandhi’s ‘coronation’ as the virtual heir apparent to India’s ruling dynasty at this week’s Chintin Shivir in Jaipur should be seen in that backdrop.

 There was pathos, tears and raw emotion, all ingredients that make up for family melodrama and have the potential to move the masses politically, as few other slogans can.

 The Rahul Gandhi that came out was the new face of the Congress: young, exuberant, ready to take on challenges and the country onto another level. More pertinently, there was the promise of new politics, slogans and faces; it was as if a beleaguered Congress party was trying to exorcise the ghosts of the UPA as 2014 draws close and who better than Rahul to navigate the treacherous road ahead?

The unofficial handing over the baton to Rahul was by no means an accidental happening, it was carefully choreographed from start to finish. The developments that unfolded had keeping the Election Commission’s Code of Conduct in mind. First Rahul was introduced at New Delhi’s Ramlila Grounds on November 4 last year to ‘acquaint’ him with party workers; on November 9, in the next round, it were members of the Congress Working Committee (CWC) who were formally introduced to Rahul. These were traditional testers to gauge the mood of the cadres - not that it was required - but in the light of Rahul’s somewhat unsuccessful 2012 with reverses in UP and Gujarat, no one in the party was willing to take any chances.

 Once the core group around Congress president Sonia Gandhi decided that the Gandhi family grip on the party apparatus had in no way declined, then it became a question of time and matter of completing formalities. As a background to the carefully orchestrated coronation, young ministers were inducted in the Union Cabinet as a first step; the Chintin Shivir then only became an occasion to formalise a political contract which everyone knew existed.

Sonia herself set the ball rolling when she emphasised that policies need to be framed keeping the aspirations and frustrations of the angry youth in mind, whose issues could no longer be ignored.

It was known in the party that there would be a Jaipur Declaration and it would be headed by Rahul. It did not quite happen that way. On the second day of the proceedings, the Jaipur Declaration came and went without causing too much of a flutter; Rahul’s induction became the biggest event for Congress in the New Year.

An actual look at proceedings will tell you that after Rahul, the buzz was around young ministers. Jyotiraditya Scindia, Milind Deora, Jitin Prasad, RPN Singh and Sachin Pilot, were all flavour of the meet. A very busy BK Hari Prasad and Mukul Wasnik showed that the Jaipur Chintin Shivir, more than anything else, signaled yet another generational shift in India’s first political family.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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Wednesday, May 08, 2013

The brightest stars in Indian politics, Rajiv Gandhi

Known as one of the brightest stars in Indian politics, Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination shook up the foundation of the Congress party. A documentation of how his death reversed fortunes of the party, and dramatically altered the Indian political scenario...

What is most interesting about the post-Rajiv era is the shape Indian politics took after 1991. During the 1991 elections, the Congress was expected to win the largest number of Lok Sabha seats. That happened. But after the assassination, with no one from the Nehru-Gandhi family at the helm, the Congress party started to grow weak. Although the party was in power from 1991 to 1996 under Narsimha Rao, it started losing ground in crucial states, one of which was UP. The the emergence of regional parties and the rise of rightists led by the BJP made the environment more challenging for the Congress. With no charismatic leader to take control, the fortunes of the Congress looked to be on the decline. The regional sections of the Congress and the anti-Nehru-Gandhi factions grew stronger with the rise of Narsimha Rao and Sitaram Kesari. “With Narsimha Rao as PM and Kesari as party president, Mandal-Kamandal (OBC reservations – Hindutva) politics became too prominent. It was around this time that BJP first emerged as a probable alternative,” says Dutta.

The assassination of Rajiv led to the emergence of BJP with the Ram Mandir movement. Politics over religion was at its helm. Lok Sabha elections a year after the Babri Masjid demolition saw the BJP-led-NDA come to power with Atal Behari Vajpayee taking over as PM.

In a way, the demise of Rajiv resulted in the end of the single party system in India’s national politics. It led to a situation where regional parties started to revolve around two main political heavyweights – UPA and NDA. It exists even today.

The void that was created in the summer of ‘91 still hurts the Congress, which is today busy working towards strengthening its image amidst scams and incidents of corruption. Also to blame is the party’s weak structures in states such as UP, Bihar and MP, which account for a total of 179 seats in the Lok Sabha (33% of total), and its increased dependence on regional parties in recent years. Politically therefore, Rajiv’s absence has affected the Congress party adversely.

But are we forgetting that there is perhaps another Rajiv in the making? Rahul could be the new Rajiv. There are questions being asked about whether circumstances favour the party’s crown prince the way they favoured his predecessors. But Rahul doesn’t seem to care about the odds. For years now we have had political pundits talk about the charisma of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty and how it could help revive the Congress party as it faces a political onslaught from entrenched regional parties, an aggressive right wing and ever more vigilant civil society groups. Perhaps Rahul is the hope who can fill some of the void that was created in the Congress bench after Rajiv was gone Many claim the junior Gandhi is yet to prove his mettle. But does Rahul care? He is charismatic, young, widely talked about, and has just about crossed over to the wiser side of 40 – characteristics that we associated with Rajiv in the years that preceded his ascension to the PM’s office (in 1984). Yes, he still has to embed into civil society his clear intent to demolish corruption, a factor that will play a huge role in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. But perhaps, it is Rahul who could enable Congress to form a non-coalition government in the years to come. There have been disappointing consequences of the assassination. But the rise of Rahul in 21st century Indian politics may prove to be the all important upshot of that incident.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
 
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Tuesday, October 16, 2012

Learning to live with Terror

Fighting terror can’t be held ransom to vote bank politics, believes Ranjit Bhushan

The spectre of terror, which has haunted India for a better part of the last three decades – first Punjab and then Kashmir, and then onto mainland India – was never brought out more starkly than it was in November 2008 when the deadly attacks in Mumbai were brought home by live media coverage to a disbelieving Indian public.

The sheer audacity and scale of the slaughter and the impotence of the Indian security mechanisms to put deterrents in place until a lot of damage had been done exposed people to their own vulnerabilities as never before.

Have lessons been learnt? More importantly, is there a bipartisan approach on terror attacks? By the looks of it, some more time would pass before such a consensus emerges. While leader of opposition, L. K. Advani, and Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, have traded charges on whose government is more prone to terror attacks – UPA 2004 to 2009 or NDA 1999 to 2004 – it would be safe to say that the Mumbai attacks remain UPA’s Kandhar. There may have been no shameful ministerial escorts for hardened killers as in Kandhar, but the shifting of IPL, which had the potential to be a sporting brand as big as Wimbledon, on grounds that India was unsafe for hosting such events, falls in the same category of ‘crawling when asked to bend’. In other words, there is now no difference between India, Pakistan and Afghanistan.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2012.

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